According to the World
Bank’s bank (2019), In 2015, approximately 10 % of the world’s population lived
in poverty. Although the decline of global
poverty continues, the rate of decline in poverty has slowed down, which
challenges the World bank’s goal of ending poverty by 2030. People who live in
poverty are at increase risk for numerous adverse outcomes. For example,
compared to their counterparts raised without poverty, youth grow up in poor
household are more likely to have academic difficulties, school dropout, behavioral
and emotional problems, and a higher chance of living in poverty as adults. In addition,
youth living in poverty are more likely than their peers with higher socioeconomic
status backgrounds to engage in risk-taking and antisocial behaviors (Machell
et al., 2015).
With all potential significant damages
poverty brings, no wonder poverty alleviation is one of the priorities on many
international organizations and federal and local government’s agenda. Many policies have developed to fight poverty.
For instance, the 2004 World Development Report, Making Services Work for Poor
People showcases the inclusion of poverty reduction as the focus of
development. The importance of poverty alleviation was also highlighted in Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP). PRSP is one of the most significant instruments
calling international organizations to support governments worldwide to fight poverty
by assessing the vulnerability to potential poverty-producing impacts and
providing the necessary resources so that the people live in poverty may survive
through these impacts. The theoretical
foundation of theses policies is social capital theories. The core of social capital
theories is to activate the poor, and so they can change their situation. Accordingly,
the role of policy includes empowering the poor and support them to utilize existing
economic and social opportunities. The
poor may improve their life by taking advantages of their social networks and having
their voice heard in social policy consultation bodies (Atria, 2003; Verger et
al., 2018)
Empowering people through education is backed
up by evidence. Education has been shown
to help reduce poverty in both developing and developed countries, stimulate economic
growth, and improve general living standards (Van der Berg, 2008). Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programs are a
classic example of how polices can be employed to provide education for poor people.
Conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs provide families in poverty with cash dependent
on investments in education. State and federal governments in Brazil initiated
CCTs in education on a large scale in the mid-1990s. In Brazil,
the State of Brazilia started the first Bolsa Escola in
1995. The goal of CCT is to break the
intergenerational reproduction of poverty. Although the idea of CCT is sound, the effects
of CCT on school performance are mixed. CCTs have helped increase school access
and reduce child labor, but they haven’t done much in terms of improving education
quality, preventing dropout, and promoting school improvement.
One may ask whether CCTs are or are not worth implementing.
Can CCT break the reproduction of poverty? Several factors need to be considered
when answering this question. Specifically, we need to consider the design of a
CCT, its targeting beneficiaries, and the evaluation system of a CCT. Use Bolsa Escola in Brasilia as an example. The
target population for the program was mainly decided based on the territorial
and vulnerability criteria. A scoring
system was developed to select families. While the efficacy of the CCT program
depending on the monitoring and control procedures, the resources used for the
monitoring and control procedure exhausted the funds otherwise could be used to
increase coverage. Another dilemma the CCT program confronted was the amount of
transfer. To many factors and different political players’ varied agendas make
it very difficult to make the decision.
Policymakers need some tools to help them formulate
a better CCT policy and conduct evaluation and monitoring for the policy formulated.
Big data seems promising to facilitate policymaking. Big data technology can not only process
datasets that are too large for traditional processing systems but also analyze
data with more variety, velocity, and uncertainty. It allows policymakers to
combine digitizing administrative data, collecting data through various sources,
and have a better estimation of uncertainty (Giest, 2017). With help from big data technology, it would
be easier to decide key factors of CCT, such as the developing scoring system, selecting
families based on the scoring systems, monitoring the impact of CCT on program
beneficiaries, and deciding the amount to transfer.
Last but not least, when making
education policy, policymakers need to always focus on education quality. We can not be satisfied with just providing children
education access, but we should commit to providing education that can
actualize children’s potentials while meeting their social and emotional needs.
Only when a CCT can provide access to high-quality education, it can be counted as a cure for poverty.
References
Atria, R. (2003). ‘Capital social:
concepto, dimensiones y estrategias para sudesarrollo’. In Capital social y
reducción de la pobreza en América Latina y el Caribe. CEPAL. Santiago de
Chile: CEPAL.
Giest, S. (2017). Big data for
policymaking: fad or fasttrack? Policy Sciences, 50(3), 367–382.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11077-017-9293-1
Holzmann, R., Sherburne-Benz, L.
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Machell, K. A., Disabato, D. J.,
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10.1007/s11205-015-0917-6
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Bank.
World Bank.(2019). Understand Poverty .
Retrieved March 24, 2020, from https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/poverty/overview
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Verger, A., Novelli, M. &
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